The Creation of a New Murdoch Empire

Trump enemy’s new electoral filing just made the 2028 race a lot more interesting

Last week in the Kentucky GOP primary, Representative Thomas Massie (R-KY) was beaten by MAGA-certified challenger Ed Gallrein in a race that many say re-verified President Donald Trump’s grip on the Republican party, proving once again that his endorsement can make or break candidates depending on their loyalty to him personally. Now Massie — who has drawn Trump’s ire over the course of the past 18 months for his willingness to break with the White House agenda — has filed to run in 2028 for the House seat he just lost, adding new significance to the election that will also choose a new president.In the runup to Massie’s defeat last week, the Kentucky race swelled to become the most expensive primary in history. Trump and his political allies flooded the election with money after the Representative voted against a handful of Trump policies, pushed for the release of the Epstein files, and opposed the war with Iran. The race caused fractures not only throughout the Republican party but within diehard MAGA circles, with former Trump allies like Tucker Carlson and ex-Representative Marjorie Taylor Greene backing Massie, and the Administration along with powerful pro-Israel lobbies coordinating efforts to oppose him. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth raised eyebrows by stumping for Gallrein in the final days of the race, breaking Pentagon neutrality norms. And Representative Lauren Boebert attempted to voice support for both Massie and Trump, prompting a predictable attack from the latter, who immediately suggested she be primaried.The president has frequently used his primary endorsement as a cudgel for keeping Republicans in line, and has proven that he still has a grip on the party, with his candidates consistently beating targeted incumbents on both state and national levels. But many warn that Trump’s short-term wins could mean defeat for the Republicans in the November general election. While the president’s endorsement may be effective within the GOP, that is likely no longer the case in a broader election where candidates depend on independent swing voters. Trump’s approval among swing voters has plunged to historic lows over issues like the war with Iran, the spiraling economy, and many other factors. As a result, voters have expressed an overwhelming desire for Democratic candidates in generic ballots, which has Republicans worried they may lose their majorities in the House and maybe even the Senate. While Massie will leave office at the end of this term, his filing for 2028 suggests he recognizes that while Trump may have power over the party for now, enthusiasm for the president is waning fast.

NEW: Trump Calls for All Arab Mediators and Iran to Sign Abraham Accords as Mandate for Peace Deal After Pressure From Lindsey Graham

President Trump announced on Monday that he wants every country involved in US-Iran negotiations to sign on to the Abraham Accords as a mandatory term of a peace agreement.  Trump famously brokered the agreement to normalize diplomatic, economic, and security relations between Israel and Arab nations in his first term. The post NEW: Trump Calls for All Arab Mediators and Iran to Sign Abraham Accords as Mandate for Peace Deal After Pressure From Lindsey Graham appeared first on The Gateway Pundit.

Democratic 'Party Apparatus' Needs New Leadership

The Voting Rights Act Is Dead. Here’s a New Model for Black Politics.

The fallout from Louisiana v. Callais has been nothing short of tragic, with terrible echoes of the past. As Reconstruction ended in 1877, states in the South either killed, expelled, or used other means to force out Black legislators. Over the last two weeks, freed from abiding by Section 2 of the 1965 Voting Rights Act, Southern states have rushed to redraw their district lines to ensure that members of Congress elected by Black voters can’t win reelection. We are in a new era of American democracy, particularly for Black Americans. The Republican Party now views Democratic Party electoral wins and policy success as an existential crisis that it must prevent by any means necessary. Crushing Black political power is therefore essential to the GOP, since African Americans overwhelmingly support the Democratic Party. And the current Supreme Court, more than any in decades, has not only removed virtually all constraints on policies that might negatively affect African Americans but actively looks to outlaw any public policy that might benefit Blacks. This era demands a new framework for Black politics—fresh strategies, tactics, leaders, and goals. We need a “Double Front” approach. And we should be clear-eyed: Even before Callais, the existing models of Black politics were growing stale. It’s worth explaining when and how Black politics lost its effectiveness. There has never been a singular Black political movement or African American ideology. Booker T. Washington and W.E.B. Du Bois famously quarreled. Du Bois’s own views shifted over the course of his life. The reality of the civil rights activism of the 1950s and ’60s was more complicated and messy than beautiful Martin Luther King speeches and smartly organized boycotts. But after the civil rights victories of the 1960s, a clear Black politics emerged and predominated for five decades. Aspiring Black leaders, who had earlier led from the pulpit or protests, sought and won political office, most commonly becoming either mayor or member of Congress in heavily Black areas. A network of Black organizations, such as the National Urban League and the NAACP, focused less on the mass protests of the civil rights era and more on behind-the-scenes lobbying and collaborating with those Black officials in office. Though they varied considerably, these organizations often became synonymous with a single famous leader, such as Jesse Jackson and Al Sharpton. And these leaders were often treated by the media and politicians as spokespeople for the entire Black population. These politicians, groups, and leaders aligned tightly with the Democratic Party, viewing it as the only vehicle to advance Black political goals. The results of this approach have been uneven. On the one hand, African American politicians became increasingly powerful within the Democratic Party, gaining committee chairmanships, the mayor’s office in some of America’s largest cities, Cabinet and judicial appointments, and finally, in Barack Obama, the party’s presidential nomination. These elected officials delivered major policy victories to Black Americans and the country as a whole, from local economic empowerment of Black communities to the Affordable Care Act. On the other hand, African Americans became a “captured minority,” the term invoked by Princeton political scientist Paul Frymer. Democratic Party officials knew that Black voters would back them no matter what, so they had little incentive to push hard for policies and programs that would help African Americans in particular. Electoral pressures led the Democratic Party to set an agenda that would appeal to swing voters in swing states—a very non-Black constituency.As the Democratic Party became increasingly concerned that advancing Black concerns turned off white voters, Black Democratic politicians and prominent activists faced a choice: advance in the party by downplaying and sidelining Black concerns, or advocate Black interests at the expense of their careers. Many chose the former. Contrary to conservative pundits who claim that he stoked racial conflict, Obama actually spoke far less about racial issues than his Democratic predecessors. Prominent activists shifted from pressuring Democratic politicians to being very defensive of them. Sharpton and others negotiated with mayors, presidents, and corporations, but grew unaccountable to Black America at large—operating more like celebrities than community activists. Over time it became difficult to distinguish the policies of Black and white mayors, as both were beholden to the police and corporations in their cities and thereby unwilling (and often lacking any real power) to advance policies to help rank-and-file Black Americans. The Congressional Black Caucus for a time earned its self-given moniker, the “Conscience of the Congress,” pushing the U.S. in radical directions, whether on enforcing civil rights or in the fight against apartheid in South Africa.

The Hidden Message Inside America’s New WWI Memorial

This article is part of Upstream, The Daily Wire’s new home for culture and lifestyle. Real human insight and human stories — from our featured writers to you. *** There are many famous memorials within walking distance of each other in our nation’s capital, but perhaps none so imposing as the World War I Memorial just steps ...

Dem NJ Sen. Cory Booker trashes own party: ‘Desperately needs new leadership’

"I am tired of all this machination about party politics."

Lawmaker predicts trigger for new GOP crack-up: 'More will start to break away from Trump'

A senior House Democrat predicted this weekend that Republican members of Congress will increasingly distance themselves from Donald Trump once they return home during recess and face their constituents — and he says the signs are already there."I think that as Republicans come back home after this recess and hear from their constituents, and as they get past their primaries, more and more will start to break away from Trump and some of his draconian and criminal behavior," Rep. Greg Meeks (D-NY), the ranking member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, told MS NOW on Saturday.Meeks pointed to the growing revolt in the Senate over Trump's $1.8 billion slush fund — money that could flow to supporters convicted in connection with the January 6th Capitol attack — as an early sign of the fractures to come. Republican senators, he said, were "absolutely right" to call it a nonstarter."You heard these Republican senators and they were absolutely right — this is ridiculous, this is terrible," Meeks said. "Some are retiring and don't have to pay homage to him, others who he has double crossed. And so they seem to be wanting to stand up for what they know is disastrous."Meeks drew a sharp distinction between the Senate and the House, where he sees far less independence. "I can't depend upon the House, because the members of the House — they will do whatever Trump says." But he suggested even that could change as political conditions shift.As evidence that the Republican base is not as monolithic as Trump's primary victories suggest, Meeks argued that Trump's hold is essentially on about 30 percent of the electorate — primary voters — not the broader public that will decide general elections."That's 30% of the individuals," he said. "These are not the individuals that would be able to vote in a general election."The congressman said the pattern — of Republican members privately opposing Trump while leadership runs interference — will become harder to sustain as midterms approach and members face voters directly."It's time for some of the Republicans to stand up and do the right thing by the American people," Meeks said, citing $5 gas prices, rising grocery costs, and health care as the kitchen-table issues driving discontent in districts across the country.

New York City’s Other Violent Crime Problem

Murder is down, but assault is up—a dangerous sign.