The Right’s Upside-Down Argument Against the Abortion Pill

Source: The New Republic · Bias: Left

Summary

Over the last few days, the courts have contributed yet again to the ongoing American whiplash about abortion access. On Friday, a ruling from the super-conservative Fifth Circuit appeals court essentially overrode Food and Drug Administration guidelines for mifepristone, one of two drugs used for medication abortion, so that it could no longer be prescribed by a telehealth provider. Manufacturers of the drug requested that the Supreme Court intervene, and on Monday the court issued an administrative stay for one week. As mifepristone was restricted and made available again over the course of a few days, anyone just trying to get a prescription could be forgiven for not knowing whether a provider would be willing to prescribe it. This kind of confusion is useful for anti-abortion groups, for whom killing Roe was never the final goal but only a step along the way to ending abortion entirely. Or, as the plaintiffs in this latest mifepristone challenge put it in the opening line of their lawsuit, “The fight for life is far from over.”The legal challenge, brought by the attorney general of Louisiana, alongside the Christian nationalist law project Alliance Defending Freedom, argues that the FDA, by increasing access to mifepristone, is responsible for instances of reproductive coercion. The lawsuit also argues that by allowing people in a state where abortion is banned to obtain pills from providers in states without bans, the FDA guidelines interfere with the state’s sovereign laws. These claims get things more or less backward. Access to medication abortion, far from encouraging the coercion of pregnant people, has allowed those in abusive relationships, including those whose partners have sexually assaulted them, to access abortion privately, thus reducing the threat of reprisal from their partners. As for so-called states’ rights, the plaintiffs’ aim here is not to let states decide abortion restrictions or access for themselves; it’s to bring all states in line with the most restrictive laws. With this case, these anti-abortion groups are predictably trying to redefine reproductive freedom as “coercion” or “abusing women,” and genuine coercion as “states’ rights” or “protecting women.” Over decades, it’s become clear that these same groups, along with the legislators and attorneys general who share their politics, won’t rest until abortion is banned or all but banned across the country. This legal challenge demonstrates that they are willing to rerun the same arguments in the same courts over and over until they win. The Supreme Court has, in fact, already heard a case concerning FDA guidelines for accessing mifepristone with telehealth. When the same law project behind the current case, Alliance Defending Freedom, made its arguments in Alliance for Hippocratic Medicine v. U.S. Food and Drug Administration in 2024, ADF failed to convince the court that the purported health care providers’ group it represented had standing to challenge the FDA’s guidelines. Though the court did not say so explicitly in its opinion, it was nevertheless clear that the group had no apparent purpose other than bringing the next big anti-abortion case to the Supreme Court after Dobbs; indeed, the group was incorporated weeks following that ruling, in a judicial district where it had no activities besides bringing the lawsuit.The truth of that earlier case was this: Mifepristone was as safe before Dobbs as it was after Dobbs. In fact, Dobbs led to an expansion of medication abortion in states where abortion was either banned or all but banned. That expansion of access was made possible in part by an administrative rule change at the FDA, permanently removing the requirement for in-person dispensing of mifepristone. ADF and other anti-abortion groups are now trying to rewrite history to cast mifepristone as a dangerous drug that the FDA is allegedly allowing to menace unsuspecting women. (It’s worth remembering that it was their own obsessive campaign to end Roe that made access to mifepristone so critical in the first place.)Following its loss in Alliance for Hippocratic Medicine, Alliance Defending Freedom regrouped and took another swing at the highest court. This time, it’s joining a lawsuit with the Louisiana attorney general, representing a Louisiana woman who, “under immense pressure and fearing for her safety ... took abortion drugs that her boyfriend obtained,” as the lawsuit contends. The choice of collaborator is telling: After Roe, abortion in the state was completely banned with very limited exceptions, and no clinics there provided procedural abortion. Last year, the Louisiana state legislature reclassified misoprostol and mifepristone as “controlled substances.” Getting mifepristone through the mail, prescribed by providers outside the state, was a lifeline for pregnant people in Louisiana; it meant that they could access abortion despite the state laws.

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The Right’s Upside-Down Argument Against the Abortion Pill
The New Republic

The Right’s Upside-Down Argument Against the Abortion Pill

Left

Over the last few days, the courts have contributed yet again to the ongoing American whiplash about abortion access. On Friday, a ruling from the super-conservative Fifth Circuit appeals court essentially overrode Food and Drug Administration guidelines for mifepristone, one of two drugs used for medication abortion, so that it could no longer be prescribed by a telehealth provider. Manufacturers of the drug requested that the Supreme Court intervene, and on Monday the court issued an administrative stay for one week. As mifepristone was restricted and made available again over the course of a few days, anyone just trying to get a prescription could be forgiven for not knowing whether a provider would be willing to prescribe it. This kind of confusion is useful for anti-abortion groups, for whom killing Roe was never the final goal but only a step along the way to ending abortion entirely. Or, as the plaintiffs in this latest mifepristone challenge put it in the opening line of their lawsuit, “The fight for life is far from over.”The legal challenge, brought by the attorney general of Louisiana, alongside the Christian nationalist law project Alliance Defending Freedom, argues that the FDA, by increasing access to mifepristone, is responsible for instances of reproductive coercion. The lawsuit also argues that by allowing people in a state where abortion is banned to obtain pills from providers in states without bans, the FDA guidelines interfere with the state’s sovereign laws. These claims get things more or less backward. Access to medication abortion, far from encouraging the coercion of pregnant people, has allowed those in abusive relationships, including those whose partners have sexually assaulted them, to access abortion privately, thus reducing the threat of reprisal from their partners. As for so-called states’ rights, the plaintiffs’ aim here is not to let states decide abortion restrictions or access for themselves; it’s to bring all states in line with the most restrictive laws. With this case, these anti-abortion groups are predictably trying to redefine reproductive freedom as “coercion” or “abusing women,” and genuine coercion as “states’ rights” or “protecting women.” Over decades, it’s become clear that these same groups, along with the legislators and attorneys general who share their politics, won’t rest until abortion is banned or all but banned across the country. This legal challenge demonstrates that they are willing to rerun the same arguments in the same courts over and over until they win. The Supreme Court has, in fact, already heard a case concerning FDA guidelines for accessing mifepristone with telehealth. When the same law project behind the current case, Alliance Defending Freedom, made its arguments in Alliance for Hippocratic Medicine v. U.S. Food and Drug Administration in 2024, ADF failed to convince the court that the purported health care providers’ group it represented had standing to challenge the FDA’s guidelines. Though the court did not say so explicitly in its opinion, it was nevertheless clear that the group had no apparent purpose other than bringing the next big anti-abortion case to the Supreme Court after Dobbs; indeed, the group was incorporated weeks following that ruling, in a judicial district where it had no activities besides bringing the lawsuit.The truth of that earlier case was this: Mifepristone was as safe before Dobbs as it was after Dobbs. In fact, Dobbs led to an expansion of medication abortion in states where abortion was either banned or all but banned. That expansion of access was made possible in part by an administrative rule change at the FDA, permanently removing the requirement for in-person dispensing of mifepristone. ADF and other anti-abortion groups are now trying to rewrite history to cast mifepristone as a dangerous drug that the FDA is allegedly allowing to menace unsuspecting women. (It’s worth remembering that it was their own obsessive campaign to end Roe that made access to mifepristone so critical in the first place.)Following its loss in Alliance for Hippocratic Medicine, Alliance Defending Freedom regrouped and took another swing at the highest court. This time, it’s joining a lawsuit with the Louisiana attorney general, representing a Louisiana woman who, “under immense pressure and fearing for her safety ... took abortion drugs that her boyfriend obtained,” as the lawsuit contends. The choice of collaborator is telling: After Roe, abortion in the state was completely banned with very limited exceptions, and no clinics there provided procedural abortion. Last year, the Louisiana state legislature reclassified misoprostol and mifepristone as “controlled substances.” Getting mifepristone through the mail, prescribed by providers outside the state, was a lifeline for pregnant people in Louisiana; it meant that they could access abortion despite the state laws.